Revenge - Perception...
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Theoretical reflections suggest that avengers and targets of revenge have self-serving perception biases when judging the severity of revenge acts and preceding offenses. Empirical research investigating such biases has so far focused on either the offense or the revenge act and may have confounded a perception bias with a situational selection bias (i.e., avengers and targets selecting different events in self-serving ways, so that there may be actual, as opposed to perceptual, differences in severity). The current research circumvents this shortcoming by empirically investigating this perception bias by assessing avengers' and targets' severity scores of both the offense and the revenge act, and comparing these scores with severity scores of independent raters. Results show that although there is a situational selection bias, there is also a perception bias for both avengers and targets: Both avengers and targets believe that the other person's act is worse than their own act. This perception bias may explain the existence of perpetuating revenge cycles.
A few years ago a group of Swiss researchers scanned the brains of people who had been wronged during an economic exchange game. These people had trusted their partners to split a pot of money with them, only to find that the partners had chosen to keep the loot for themselves. The researchers then gave the people a chance to punish their greedy partners, and for a full minute, as the victims contemplated revenge, the activity in their brains was recorded. The decision caused a rush of neural activity in the caudate nucleus, an area of the brain known to process rewards (in previous work, the caudate has delighted in cocaine and nicotine use). The findings, published in a 2004 issue of Science, gave physiological confirmation to what the scorned have been saying for years: Revenge is sweet.
Many early psychological views toward revenge were based on the larger concept of emotional catharsis. This idea, still widely held in the popular culture, suggests that venting aggression ultimately purges it from the body. But empirical research failed to validate the theory of catharsis, and some recent work contradicts it entirely. In a 2002 paper in the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, APS Fellow Brad Bushman of The Ohio State University reported higher levels of aggression in people who had supposedly vented their anger than in those who had done nothing at all.
The findings suggest that revenge can succeed only when an offender understands why the act of vengeance has occurred. Among participants who chose to avenge the selfish action, those who received a message of understanding reported much more satisfaction than did those who received an indignant response. In fact, the only time avengers felt more satisfaction than participants who took no revenge at all was when they received an indication of understanding. Put another way, unacknowledged revenge felt no better than none at all. Successful revenge is therefore about more than payback, the authors conclude in the April 2011 issue of the European Journal of Social Psychology; it is about delivering a message.
Stillwell and her collaborators found that when people were avengers they believed their action had fairly restored equity to the relationship; when they were the recipients of revenge, however, they considered the payback excessive. This shifting viewpoint explains why revenge often occurs in endless cycles; no sooner did U.S. Navy Seals avenge September 11 by killing Osama bin Laden, for instance, than Al Qaeda vowed to seek revenge for his death.
From personal experience, I can say that revenge feels incredibly good, and the effect lasts for as long as the memory. The only thing that can make the pleasure of revenge end is the discovery that it was all an illusion. God has put in each and every one of us the capacity to feel otherworldly pleasure from revenge. God truly is Just.
I exacted revenge on a man at work who sexually harassed me and put me through psychological trauma for far too long. I had asked him not to do what he was doing, but he did it again and again and was getting quite brazen because he knew I was weak. However, he miscalculated a little in choosing his victim. I snapped one day.
The psychology of revenge is irrevocably embedded in notions of deterrence. Without such a foundation, no one would find the threat of retaliatory strike credible. But with the universal recognition of the automatic satisfaction that comes with revenge, few doubt that vengeance could very well lead to mutual annihilation. This helps to explain why policymakers are often willing to commit to a course of action that otherwise appears objectively irrational. Beyond identifying an evolutionary explanation for commitments to costly retaliation, we also offer a theoretically rigorous examination of revenge that is careful to distinguish it from other forms of retaliation. Negative reciprocity, for example, follows more of the tit-for-tat or an eye-for-an-eye kind of logic.13 It can be cold and calculating, and seemingly more objective and proportional. Revenge is more of a psychological and emotional state that gets activated automatically and provides a strong drive in people who feel they have been wronged by another. It serves a deterrent purpose for the reasons laid out in greater detail below. People are not always driven by revenge when they retaliate. Still, revenge can feel really good when it is successful. By recognizing that different motivations can precipitate various retaliatory styles, we help to clarify the conditions under which policies of deterrence can lead to stable containment or destabilizing brinkmanship.
Leaders need not, and often do not, recognize the motivational distinction between those seeking revenge and those retaliating out of rational anger. Even when they are aware of a distinction, they may conclude that their adversaries are revenge-driven and hateful when some may not be, possibly losing important opportunities for avoiding conflict and achieving compromise. A fuller theoretical exposition of the meaning and function of revenge is central to understanding when and how conflict can be deterred. Deterrence, whether nuclear or other kinds, rests on the implicit assumption that the motive for retaliation is strong enough that, even when no benefit can accrue from launching a counterattack, the opponent should count on it anyway, and this belief will deter the initial assault.14 Clearly a second-strike attack is not economically rational because it cannot prevent apocalyptic damage already sustained. Yet the universal recognition and appeal of the desire, and emotional pleasure, of revenge is part of what makes the threat of a second strike in a nuclear exchange credible.
Despite the horrors and intensity of these international dynamics, much of the literature on nuclear deterrence rests on a purely cognitive notion of credibility, which almost entirely excludes emotional foundations and motivations. This leaves out an important characteristic upon which the edifice of deterrence depends. In short, despite arguments and assumptions that deterrence rests on assumed calculated rationality, the only truly credible aspect of deterrence lies in the authentic emotional power and psychological persuasion of the human drive for revenge in the face of violation or attack.
An evolutionary approach provides a set of tools for illuminating the emotional foundations of deterrence that are often assumed to be exogenous or are simply missing from the broader literature.21 What benefit is there for the fallen in delivering a devastating post-mortem counterattack upon the assailant or to guarantee death by engaging in terrorist acts This puzzle within the logic of nuclear and modern deterrence can be explained as a political manifestation of the human psychology of revenge. Specifically, as we discuss in detail below, the instinctual desire for revenge in response to a massive first strike is an important psychological foundation from which a credible threat to launch a retaliatory second strike can emerge, even after catastrophic defeat and death are assured.
Why should individuals be so spiteful in the face of a threat that renders victory or redemption implausible, or death certain That is what our theory seeks to explain. This theory rests on a biological and psychological foundation of revenge, which feels so good that it overrides the cost-benefit analysis that would otherwise make people think before they act. And the near-universal recognition of the desire to give in to emotion at the expense of a more objective rational calculation under duress supports the credibility of a second-strike retaliatory deterrent threat.
This representation of nuclear deterrence, with which we agree, may nevertheless be misleading if it guides some to the false conclusion that rational thought undergirds nuclear deterrence more than revenge. It is the emotional arousal resulting from the implacable willingness to inflict maximum physical damage on an adversary that, once demonstrated, inspires adversaries to halt. In addition, as noted above, revenge seeks suffering without understanding. Its goal lies in the elimination of the adversary because, correctly or not, prospects for future cooperation have been deemed impossible. In other words, a blind desire to cause suffering regardless of what anyone thinks has precisely the effect of changing what the audience thinks.
Models drawn from evolutionary psychology emphasize the centrality of environmental triggers and explain how contextual cues, such as those embedded in the social or institutional environment, activate different psychological strategies according to an ancestrally adaptive logic. When modern situations mirror these cues, the relevant psychological mechanisms become activated and shape our perceptions of threat and opportunity, and they instigate a repertoire of behavioral responses. Different environmental circumstances trigger different types of retaliatory aggression. The many forms of retaliatory aggression, such as revenge, can each be described along many dimensions, such as the magnitude of retaliation, the emotional motivation of retaliation, and the function of retaliation. 59ce067264
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